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Gordon Brown has Described Child Poverty as “A Scar on The Soul of Britain”

Poverty is among the measurements of inequality in society. In the past years, the political discussion has encouraged a superior definition of inequality, going beyond a financial categorisation and denoting to a more comprehensive disposition of including the entitlement to health and education as well as equal social involvement. To illustrate, the United Nations as well as other globally recognised organisations have demanded for the eradication of prejudice in opposition to children and the abolition of the racial inequity. Both of which are apparent forms of inequity. (UNFPA 2000; UN 2001; UNICEF 2002) Similarly, the European Union has authorised the purge of social exclusion as a component of it 1999 Treaty of Amsterdam. (EU 2002) The said authorization to battle these inequities is generally interpreted, including tackling such predicaments as unemployment, diminished degrees of education, dropping out of school, training for the unemployed, low incomes, derisory housing, hefty crime ratio, contemptible health and the collapse of the family unit. (UK Social Exclusion Unit 2001; UNICEF 2002)

Whereas social scientists have been taking into consideration the financial welfare of young individuals and have in actuality been accountable for portraying the children’s tribulations to the awareness of politicians, they have merely just commenced to gauge children’s standing utilising more composite and finely distinct approaches. (Hauser, Brown, and Prosser 1997) There have been quite a number of such complete gauges of poverty (Haveman and Mullikin 1999) and progressively more methods have been utilised instead. The Report of the Task Force on Statistics on Social Exclusion and Poverty of the European Union suggested that poverty be characterised as lower than sixty percent of the median family income of the member state, adapted for the size of the family. (Atkinson, 2000) It presents information on child poverty employing the same definition perceiving merely at family units with children. It characterises child poverty as the percentage of children lodging in family units with earnings less than half of the national median. Variations across the nation utilising this comparative gauge are broad, ranging from lower than five percent child poverty in Luxembourg, Belgium, Finland, Norway and Sweden, to higher than twenty percent in the Italian setting, US, and Mexico. Nonetheless, gauges of this kind present diminutive information regarding financial deficits in households influencing the lives of the children.

A study of Jenkins, Schluter and Wagner (2003) acquired a perspective into the diverse welfare administrations by measure up both the dynamics of the British and German child poverty. Employing a comparative poverty definition of sixty percent of the median income of the individual countries, they discovered that a superior percentage of British youngsters encounter poverty in a single occasion compared to West German children. Moreover, British children possess more often and protracted spells of poverty than in West Germany. The occasions that bring about the children’s accession into poverty are different in both nations – being a single parent in a household and the loss of parent’s work regardless of it being full-time or part-time – nonetheless, there is no event that clarified the majority of the circumstances. Actually, the authors both established that in the two countries, shifts in the family income in the level of twenty to thirty percent clarify about two-thirds of the children’s admission into poverty in the two countries. Similarly, augmentations in family income take account for the children’s exit from poverty. These authors develop our initial awareness of poverty by investigating shifts in poverty states in due course and correlates of those shifts, placing the research on poverty in a new level. In doing so, they surmised that the impulses of welfare administrations, labour market decrees and fluctuations, and shifts in the household composition as well as the status of the labour force determine children’s encounter of income deficiency.

Similarly, Platt (2002) takes into account the children’s income deficiency through the use of welfare records from Birmingham. Similar to the method of the authors above, Platt is equipped to monitor shifts in poverty status over time, and to gauge chronic poverty in addition to deep poverty. Thus, she is capable of examining the manner in which children in diverse racial and nativity groups encounter scarcity. Underlying a great deal of the cluster variation in income shortages per child are dissimilarities in the quantity of single parent households, the standard figure and age of youngsters, and the percentage of households dwelling in public housing. Platt contends that the British welfare programme’s inconsiderateness to cultural dissimilarities in household arrangement frameworks gratuitously rests children at higher risk of both severe and chronic poverty.

Each of these academic works makes apparent that a number of children, particularly those in single parent families, in families with one or no member in the workforce, or in minority households, have a higher propensity to encounter poverty at some period in their lives and perhaps for moderately a long-standing episode (Cornia and Danziger, 1997). Conceivably more appalling is current study that has discovered that in the course of the 1990s in developed countries, children in conventional single-worker, two-parent households encountered the furthermost percentage augmentations in poverty, even though they still correspond to a diminutive percentage of poor children (Oxley, Dang, Forster, and Pellizzari 2001). In other words, currently the two-parent, two-earner family is still the most excellent indemnity in opposition to child poverty but it is not a faultless indemnity. In addition, merely a minority of children could depend on living in this nature of family. Those in other kinds of families subsequently arise to take advantage of the amplified government support. With that, this study intends to look into the performance of the New Labour’s ambition of eradicating child poverty since its inception in 1997.

New Labour came to command in 1997 subsequent to twenty years of neo-liberal Conservative regime. Conservative legislation had been dedicated to dropping taxation and public spending, even though superior degrees of unemployment and worklessness intended that spending on social security, in reality, was greater than before. In general, terms the Conservatives followed a scheme that concerned a low-wage financial system; an adaptable labour market; progressively more targeted and means-tested advantages; and more employment incentives. They declined the concept of a minimum wage for the reason of the danger it was supposed to provide to the formation of low waged jobs. Majority of the Conservatives’ policy concepts were introduced from the US (Marmor and Plowden, 1991). As in the US, nonetheless nothing like the remaining of continental Europe, single mothers developed into the principal targets of the Conservative campaign in opposition to the dependency culture, sustained by majority of the press. The Conservatives took the chair over an immense augmentation in poverty and inequality. In the middle of 1979 and 1996-1997, authorised statistics presented that the percentage of individuals living in family units under a half of the standard income increased from nine percent to twenty-four percent. Predominantly spectacular were the statistics on child poverty, presenting a rise from one in ten to in the region of a third. These statistics are considerably high by international principles so that the UK at the present has one of the uppermost child poverty ratios in the industrialised society. In 1974, 6.4% of all below-16 year olds depended on means-tested social support; by 1994, one quarter did as well. The proportion increase for younger children was even superior, from 6.6% to 29.1%. Hills’ (1995) academic work on inequalities in income and wealth presented undoubtedly that just New Zealand surpassed Britain in the intensification of inequality. Official statistics presents that in the middle of 1979 and 1996-1997, the incomes of the poorest ten per cent diminished by nine percent in real terms, regardless of an overall enlargement in real income of forty-four percent. Consequently, superior means testing and targeting did not give the impression to have assisted the comparative arrangement of the poor, as is normally the case (Korpi et al., 1998; Cantillon, 1998). In the face of this bequest, being scared of the consequence of its ‘tax and spend’ illustration on the electorate, New Labour pledged to remain to the Conservatives’ expenditure restrictions for the initial couple of years. It similarly pledged not to augment income tax rates, which had been subtracted considerably under the Conservatives. This was gravely to get in the way its capability to tackle the dilapidated state of public services, predominantly health, education and transport.

In the course of the initial year in power, as a result, there was a lofty degree of permanence with preceding Conservative policies. The condition of policy on the direction of single parent households demonstrates this permanence. One of the most basic policy decisions the new Government encountered was whether to overturn the Conservatives’ judgment to eradicate the diffident supplementary benefits for single mothers. It surmised not to do so, to the dismay of many backbench Labour Party members. This was a judgment of immense figurative and strategic significance. The Party did not fancy to be professed so early on as returning to the traditional labour mystique by basically increasing benefits, which may probably amplify Middle England’s dread of augmented taxes to follow. It similarly sought after to get underway a new strategic association involving compensated work, welfare expenses and taxation, which a straightforward amplification in benefit degrees would destabilise the resolution to go ahead and put an end to single parents’ benefits. This was perceived with dreadfulness by quite a number of long-established Labour followers, nonetheless confirmed for those electorate who had transferred from the Conservative Party that this Labour Government was without a doubt poles apart from preceding Labour administrations.

The March 1998 Budget which ensued, nevertheless, manifested the initial stage in a succession of development to benefits for children. These measures successfully made excellent the consequence of incises in benefits for single parents with young children. The chorus of disapproval had had an influence. Undeniably, the Budget was redistributive, yet was not presented in public as such. On the whole, New Labour has established the fact of the low remuneration, adaptable labour market that was established by the Conservatives, and has intended to create a new paradigm for social provision in the order of it. This takes on considerable investment in human capital by means of the National Health Service, state education and training, even though that the majority of the finances was not distributed until in the latter part of 2000. It similarly involves a new method to the tax/benefit framework that comprises measures to endorse the shift from welfare to work and to generate work pay. In many regards, consequently, the UK seems progressively more like the US, particularly with respect to the employment of tax credits and the importance on placing individuals into employment. Nonetheless, in quite a number of noteworthy manners the two nations are very dissimilar. The UK keeps hold of state welfare payments for healthy adults; it has not made welfare time-restricted; and the accomplishment of its tax credit framework is much more comprehensive. The pledge to stamp out child poverty is possibly the clearest policy emphasising the dissimilarity to a certain extent than the resemblance involving the two nations.

The figure of children dwelling in poverty has diminished by five hundred thousand since 1997 and currently subsists at four million. It’s definitely is a turnaround of a development of yearly augmenting child poverty rates that commenced in the 1980s and showed the way for Britain having one of the utmost child poverty percentages in the western world by the early part of the 1990s.

Nonetheless, since the earlier part of the 1990s, the account is significantly more uncertain. A stable diminishing in child poverty in the middle of 1992-1993 and 1995-1996 was broken up by a quick amplification in 1996-1997, and was constant to fall. Therefore, the actual account is that, since 1990, child poverty has stayed approximately unvarying, the existing rate being with reference to the same amount as it was in the previous six years.

What is fascinating is that the descending in the middle part of the 1990s was under a Conservative administration with no specific fondness for eradicating or even reducing poverty. On the other hand, the decline since 1997 has been under a Labour administration with a tangible guarantee to lessen poverty, one that has significantly augmented benefit levels, and supervised decreasing levels of unemployment.

The actual conundrum is the reason poverty has not declined at a sharper rate since 1997 as it did in the middle part of the 1990s. In 1991-1992, one did perceive a number of increases in child benefit, family credit and child allowances. Nonetheless, they were not anything similar on the magnitude of the restructuring pioneered since 1997, which, in proportion to the Institute of Fiscal Studies, have perceived average spending per child in the course of the social security system increase, by a traditionally unparalleled 44% in real terms.

The actual account has to do with augmentation in incomes. For the reason that the median income gauge of poverty is a gauge of the gap connecting low incomes and the rest, it is significantly probable for the poverty ratio to plummet as a consequence of depression. During recessions, the gap connecting those on low incomes and the rest frequently plummets since benefit degrees are more robust than salaries. The primary dissimilarity involving the plummeting of the early part of the 1990s and the decline since 1997 is that the former took place at the last part of a depression, so as the latter transpired for the duration of and subsequent to a period of considerable economic growth. In the middle of 1990-1991 and 1992-1993, median income was stable, previous to mounting at a rate of about 2% per year until 1995-1996. However, ever since 1997 median income has increased at an average of three and a half percent yearly. This denotes that the poverty line, which was motionless or mounting gradually during the early to mid-90s, has been increasing quickly since 1997.

Strangely enough, the decline in poverty throughout the Major years was comparatively uncomplicated to acquire for the reason of the economic failure of the early 1990s, at the same time as the Blair administration has established much difficulty in decreasing poverty for the reason that they have managed to maintain sturdy economic development. The lesson is that if the government intends simply to maintain the child poverty rate unvarying, it had better index its most important benefits to augmentations in median incomes. If it intends to decrease child poverty, it is obliged to constantly elevate benefit levels on top of boosts in median incomes.


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